ban on December 7, 2002. Despite these attempts, by 1988, the smoking rate had only decreased to 42% and far exceeded the rate of civilians. And although prevalence did decrease to 29.9% from 1980 to 1998, it has increased since then and appears to still be increasing. Tobacco industry's response Realizing the opportunities of a worldwide military market due to the young demographics of military personnel and the smoking initiation associated with new recruits, the Tobacco Institute, which served as the tobacco industry's lobbying organization, and Philip Morris perceived these new tobacco control initiatives as a threat and conceived strategies to circumvent the government policies. Another incentive for the tobacco industry to protect its military market was the recognized phenomenon that consumer product preferences developed during years serving in the military would later translate into civilian market profits as service members left the military or retired. After the implementation of Directive 1010.10 in 1986, the Tobacco Institute and Philip Morris immediately began seeking the support of tobacco-friendly politicians against the policy, citing that the policy would have a negative impact on military recruitment, retention, and morale. Furthermore, letters sent to Secretary of Defense Weinberger from politicians invoked rhetoric about the infringement of "personal rights" and "an individual's right to smoke." Such political lobbying helped to limit the implementation and the further extension of Directive 1010.10. Although the Department of Defense had discontinued the practice of free distribution of cigarettes during wartime, tobacco companies began campaigns during the Gulf War (1990-1991) to distribute free cigarettes to soldiers stationed in Saudi Arabia, but would eventually be rebuffed by the Department of Defense. Regardless, Philip Morris then began a campaign of sales through direct mail, and extended promotions to deployed troops that included the delivery of branded goods such as playing cards and cup cozies. Curiously enough, the military actually assisted the tobacco companies in delivering shipments to military stores in Saudi Arabia at government expense. Another controversy arose when it was discovered that RJ Reynolds had placed their company name on the front and a Camel advertisement on the back of donated magazines from Operation Desert News, a civilian project to bring magazines to the troops. In spite of the initial rejection by the Department of Defense due to the advertisement, constant pressure from RJ Reynolds and politicians allowed the magazines to be delivered with the advertisement at government expense, violating military