as separate as oil and water ignore that during the 1930s there were many fusions of the two, including the existence of important Catholic Fascist movements in Spain, Portugal, Poland, Austria, Hungary, Croatia, Bolivia, Argentina, Chile and Brazil. Soucy notes that there were also many Catholics who rejected native fascisms during the interwar period (for example, more Protestants than Catholics voted for Nazism in Germany in the July 1932 elections, 38% to 16%). However, Soucy contends that Catholics like Valois, Taittinger, Coty, Bucard and La Rocque were indeed spokesmen for fascism, for varieties of French fascism whose intellectual origins in France went back to the 1880s, to a fascist "tradition" that La Rocque and others echoed in many ways. Finally, Soucy takes issue with the assumption that because La Rocque was highly nationalistic and strongly opposed to a German invasion of France in the 1930s he was not fascist. The American scholar points out that La Rocque was hardly the only European fascist of the era who was highly nationalistic. Most were, including Mussolini and Hitler, and none wanted their countries conquered by other nations, even fascist ones. This did not prevent La Rocque from writing in 1934 that the Duce was a "genius" and that "the admiration that Mussolini merited is incontestable." According to Soucy, La Rocque called upon France to engage in "continental solidarity" with (but not subjugation to) fascist Italy, both in the 1930s and in 1941. Soucy also pretend that, in 1941, La Rocque also supported "continental collaboration" with Nazi Germany—on the condition that France be treated as an equal partner. When he finally concluded in early 1942 that it was not going to happen (and the war had started to turn against the Germans), he formed his own Resistance organization (he was not the only French fascist to join the Resistance) and was arrested by the Gestapo. He spent the rest of the war in various German prisons. For Soucy, this only proves that he was highly nationalistic, not that he was opposed to French fascism. However, the source used by Soucy did not mentioned "with Germans" and such addition radically change the meaning of the original text which called for a post-war continental collaboration to rebuild Europe as it was considered by La Rocque as soon as 1939, something that might, at best, be interpreted as a call for an Atlantic alliance. Soucy later