phonemic consists of 18 consonants with two phonemic nasal consonants /m, n/. In addition, these nasal consonants [h͂ , w͂ , ɲ] also appear in Siona. In the Siona language, there are two oral stops: a plain series of /p, t, k, kw/ and a series of laryngealized stops that are seen as /p̰ , t̰ , k̰ , k̰ w/. Vowels Status of Pre-aspiration It has been suggested that the glottal fricative [h] in the coda position might be better analysed as a case of preaspiration in Ecuadorian Siona. On one hand, its occurrence shows some phonological and phonotactic restrictions, specifically before [–voice] consonants. On the other hand, its occurrence is unpredictable before the palatal nasal. A similar process occurs in other Tukanoan languages. For instance, the occurrence of glottal fricative before voiceless consonants has been observed for Colombian Siona and Ecuadorian Secoya. Among Eastern Tukanoan languages of the Vaupés region (Kotiria (aka Wanano), Wa’ikhana (aka Piratapuyo), Tukano, Siriano, Desano, Tuyuka, and Yuruti), glottal frication before [–voice] is ascribed to preaspiration A more recent study explored the status of preaspiration in Ecuadorian Siona by applying a distributional method of analysis. General criteria for preaspiration involves “a tight distributional relationship between the aspiration and a set of consonants”, such that [h] only appears before a restricted set of consonants (mostly, voiceless non-continuants but sometimes, voiceless obstruents) (p. 9). In root-internal position and before [–voice], complementary distribution was found between coda [h] and no coda (or coda ∅), and between coda [h] and the second part of the long vowel or diphthong (or long V). Such results strongly suggest preaspiration in this environment, i.e. root-internally and before [–voice]. However, coda [h] was also found in contrastive distribution with coda [ʔ] in the same environment, illustrated by minimal pairs such as [wah.ti] ‘bad spirit’ and [waʔ.ti] ‘machete’. This means that coda [h] cannot be predicted based on the phonological environment where it appears since coda [ʔ] appears in the same environment. Thus, it was concluded that the status of the glottal stop needs to be reevaluated together with the glottal fricative when they appear root-internally. Where coda [h] appears at the morpheme boundary, the results were different: it was found in contrastive distribution with coda ∅, coda [ʔ] and long V before [k, (s), ɲ] (note that [h-s] sequence was not a part of analysed data but such examples appear in Bruil).