'outsiders'." Copsey has argued that these analyses appear "naïve" given subsequent victories by the BNP in Blackburn, Burnley, Stoke-on-Trent and Barking and Dagenham. Roger Eatwell included the result in an analysis of far-right successes across Europe, and formulated a three-dimensional "efficacy-legitimacy-trust" model. The model gives three main reasons why voters choose the far-right: they see an extreme force as having an efficacy for making changes; they gain legitimacy from the use of racial politics by other parties, as occurred in the prelude to the Millwall result; and they have lost trust in the established parties. Coswell criticises this model as not explaining why there was such a big increase in the BNP vote between 1992 and 1993. He points out that, despite a lack of "efficacy" from Beackon after his election, his vote still increased between 1993 and 1994, and he was only defeated because mobilisation by the Labour Party led to an exceptionally high turnout. Aftermath Beackon gained a reputation as a poor representative after his election, often expressing ignorance about the council's debates or how the bureaucracy operated. Beackon lost his seat in the next election after a large increase in turnout increased the actual BNP vote, but increased the Labour vote further to retake the seat. The British National Party performed strongly in 1994 in general, but subsequently became divided over the behaviour of its military wing, Combat 18 - a body that Beackon was responsible for and which made up much of the local party membership in Millwall. Combat 18 began to use violence against members of the BNP who were perceived as not genuine supporters of the neo-Nazi movement, such as Eddy Butler and Tony Lecomber. The BNP would not win any elected seats again until they won three in Burnley in 2002. Beackon did not re-stand for election until 2008 when he took 17.8% of the vote in Orsett ward on Thurrock council. References Bibliography 1993 elections in the United Kingdom