state The PLO was able to achieve a mini state within Southern Lebanon made up of the hundreds of thousands of refugees who had made camps in the area. Over time, the PLO was able to gain almost complete control over areas of Lebanon using their own police force, military and economic infrastructure although organizationally, this was said to be sporadic in terms of efficiency. Conflicting reports of PLO's behaviour There are varying reports of the PLO's presence in Lebanon, in terms of whether they engaged constructively with Palestinians and Lebanese civilians or whether they were in fact a disorganized and often dangerous presence. There were various key incidents that have contributed to a conflicting view of the era and historians remain in conflict about the true nature of PLO's impact on the country. The situation in Lebanon was very complicated, particularly given that the PLO itself was sometimes divided and various factions played different roles at different times. In 1976, the arrival of a Syrian-organized Palestinian fedayeen made matters even more complex and there are huge numbers of reports of intimidation, torture and murder from Lebanese forces, Israeli forces, PLO or PLO-affiliated groups and non-specific fedayeen soldiers. For example, the initial catalyst for PLO involvement in the internal Lebanese issue could be said to be the Phalange attack on a bus in April 1975. According to one journalistic endeavour from the Jerusalem Post, there was "little or no substantive proof for many of the atrocity stories making the rounds", which suggests that there was generally a deal of hearsay and over-inflated reporting about PLO mistreatment of civilians. However, the academic Jillian Becker has suggested that Lebanon "was destroyed by, and because of, the PLO". Many point to the Damour massacre as a key example of PLO barbarity, although again this was in theory a response to a Phalange massacre in Karantina days beforehand. Media use In Lebanon, the PLO was able to make use of media outlets and resources in order to expand their network of support. One text has suggested that the PLO had a full takeover of the Lebanese media. Publications such as Fatah were published daily from 1970 onward and there were numerous other publications that were published on behalf of the PLO. There was indeed a Department of Culture in the Propaganda and International Centre of the PLO, whose films included The Road to Palestine