Ramon Llull, and Pierre Dubois wrote and circulated such works in large numbers but varied widely in practicality and influence. Sanudo's sources included the 13thcentury by Dominican friar Vincent of Beauvais. In the 14th and 15thcentury the increasing threat from the Ottomans and the fall of Constantinople in 1453 prompted renewed interest in the crusades of the high Middle Ages from Renaissance humanists. Humanist historiography used refined rhetoric, idealising the First Crusade as an exemplar in propaganda favouring a European alliance against barbarous enemies. Flavio Biondo explicitly associated the loss of Constantinople with the Council of Clermont in the respected and popular . Florentine chancellor Benedetto Accolti the Elder’s on the First Crusade was closely linked with Pope Pius II’s preparations for war. The First Crusade was refashioned into a figure of pride and nationalism in works based on Robert of Rheims and William of Tyre such as by Marcus Antonius Coccius Sabellicus and the by Paolo Emilio which was dedicated to Louis XII. Reformation-era literature Attitudes toward the Crusades during the Reformation were shaped by confessional debates and the Ottoman expansion. In his 1566 work, History of the Turks, Protestant martyrologist John Foxe blamed the sins of the Catholic Church for the failure of the Crusades. He also condemned the use of the Crusades against those he considered had maintained the faith, such as the Albigensians and Waldensians. Lutheran scholar Matthew Dresser (1536–1607) extended this view. The crusaders were lauded for their faith but Urban II's motivation was seen as part of his conflict with Emperor Henry IV. On this view, the Crusades were flawed and the idea of restoring the physical Holy Places was "detestable superstition". Étienne Pasquier highlighted the failures of the crusades and the damage that religious conflict had inflicted on France and the church. It lists victims of papal aggression, sale of indulgences, church abuses, corruption, and conflicts at home. In the early 17th century, reformist Catholic theologians like Alberico Gentili and Dutch humanist Hugo Grotius argued only wars fought for secular motives, such as the defence of rightfully-held land, could be defined as "just"; those undertaken to convert others were inherently "unjust". They recast the Crusades as being undertaken in defence of Christendom, rather than demonstrations of faith; by avoiding the traditional focus on indulgences provided by the Catholic church, it created a perspective that could be shared by all Christians, both Protestant and