across a large number of languages. In some cases, this can be seen as evidence for the influence of active–stative typology. Subjecthood tests Generally, nominative subjects satisfy tests that prove their "subject" status. Quirky subjects were also found to pass these subjecthood tests. Subject-oriented anaphora binding Some anaphors only allow subjects to be their antecedents when bound. This is also called reflexivization. Subject-oriented anaphoras (SOA) are a special subclass of anaphora that must have subjects as their antecedents. This test shows that an XP is a subject if it binds to a subject-oriented anaphora. In Icelandic, this is shown below where the dative pronoun subject Honum is only grammatical when binding the anaphor sínum: Faroese quirky subjects also pass this diagnostic where the subject Kjartani in the dative binds the anaphor sini: The same behavior is seen in quirky subjects in Basque where the dative subject Joni binds the anaphor bere burua: In German, the dative DP subject Dem Fritz binds the anaphor sich: Quirky subjects in Hindi also pass this test where the dative subject मुझे (mujhe) binds the anaphor (the reflexive possessive pronoun) अपना (apnā): PRO control Generally, PRO is the subject in the underlying structure of an embedded phrase be it subject-controlled, object-controlled, or arbitrarily-controlled. A subject can show up in a non-overt form in infinitives as PRO, but a preposed object cannot. This diagnostic shows that an XP is a subject if it can be PRO. To illustrate, Icelandic shows subject-controlled PRO with a nominative DP: Similarly, in Laz, the same can be seen: Reduced relatives A reduced relative may only appear in as a subject position in a reduced relative clause. This test shows that a constituent is a subject if it can be relativized in a reduced relative clause. Icelandic quirky subjects are not able to be relativized on: Laz quirky subjects are able to be relativized on: Subject-to-object raising In Icelandic, some verbs (e.g., telja, álíta) can have their complement in the ‘Exceptional Case Marking’ (ECM), also known as the ‘Accusativus-cum-Infinitivo’ (AcI) or ‘Subject-to-Object Raising’ (SOR) construction. It has been proposed that some non-subject (e.g. a preposed object) cannot be so embedded. The ECM construction occurs when a sentence of the form subject-finite verb-X is selected by verbs such as telja, álíta as a CP complement (embedded clause). The nominative subject shows up in the accusative (or else in the dative or genitive)