In addition, the projects are notable for certain conceptual and methodological innovations. Thus, breaking with the anthropological tradition of conducting holistic studies of communities or societies within which the activities of interest occurred, the projects concentrated on explaining the activities by relating them to the specific contexts in which they were occurring and by making the contexts themselves the objects of research to make them broader or denser in explanation-relevant ways. This is what Bonnie McCay has referred to as “progressive vs. a priori contextualization.” The methodology, as set forth in Vayda's article, “Progressive Contextualization; Methods for Research in Human Ecology,” has been adopted by many anthropologists, geographers, and others doing applied research, and the article has been and continues to be widely cited. Following the 1980s research related to deforestation, Vayda engaged in or directed other research in Indonesia in projects related to such subjects as integrated pest management, possibilities for relocation of settlers from a national park, and possibilities for control of forest and peat fires. Vayda's critiques of views and approaches accepted by and popular among colleagues in the social sciences and human ecology are numerous and varied. They have been described as “creative destruction” resulting in influential intellectual innovation. Included in the approaches critiqued were some Vayda himself had previously been partial to. The criticisms have pertained, inter alia, to the following for being based on theories, assumptions, and/or methodologies whereby broad conclusions either poorly supported or actually contradicted by evidence are drawn and/or practical conclusions fail to be drawn: Earlier anthropologists’ emphasis on the social and/or ceremonial character of such institutions as potlatches in North America and pig feasts in Melanesia, with no recognition and not even consideration of their significance for subsistence. Julian Steward's cultural ecology and Charles Frake's ethno-ecology. The “calorific obsession” and equilibrium bias of some ecologists and ecological anthropologists. Roy Rappaport's metaphysical holism. Marvin Harris's cultural materialism. Marshall Sahlins's essentialist structuralism. The adaptationism of human behavioral ecologists (called “Darwinian Ecological Anthropologists” by Vayda). Cognitive anthropologists’ failure to deal with the knowledge bases of practical human activities or actions. Steve Lansing's selective use of evidence to support his modelling of Balinese agro-ecological change. The undue claims made for the holistic study of local knowledge systems as practical guides to economic development and environmental conservation. Such whole fields as political ecology and spiritual ecology, criticized for their promotion of confirmation bias by virtue