up an advocacy role instigating, "conflict between Chiluba and the churches… [due to] the social impact of his economic policies" This was a crucial moment in the relationship between Chiluba and the church because, "the sustainability of economic policies depends to a large extent of the balance of power between groups supporting and those against." The surprise declaration of the Christian nation had already alienated the CCZ and ECZ and they became increasing less likely to fully support Chiluba just because he was a Christian. The declaration eventually estranged many of the women of Zambia, who had enthusiastically supported Chiluba in 1991, but later felt that he was "not gender sensitive and… wonder[ed] whether this had anything to do with the fact that Zambia… [had] been declared a Christian nation." Illustrating what Aboum suggests, "the relationship between the church and Women is contradictory. On the one had, the Church empowers women, and on the other, it has been slow in applying the revolutionary message of good news for women within its own structures." Put simply, "the Church has an empowering role, but a marginalising structure." As the economic hardships increased churches came under greater pressure both to provide welfare, but also because of financial hardships within their own organisations. "As Africa's economies have collapsed, many African churches have been reduced to a state of penury." Indeed, Zambia itself became increasingly reliant on outside AID. Though Christian nation status ensured that Christians in the west would be encouraged to donate more to see Zambia succeed, Zambia's poverty and debt burden increased dramatically during the 1990s. Chiluba's policies were causing the churches to distance themselves from him. "In March 1992 [the] EFZ… issued a statement in which it appealed to the Zambian church to 'restrict itself to those matters that are within its competence' and to 'maintain a reasonable distance form government'." By 1996 the term Christian nation had been written into the opening of the proposed Zambian constitution. This took the debate from whether the declaration in 1991 was a personal statement or policy to a new level. As Phiri says it now, "had legal implications or a longer lasting nature than the Chiluba presidency." There were demands from opposition MPs and even a joint communiqué from the ECZ, CCZ and even the EFZ calling for a referendum, but, "Chiluba simply offered the constitution to Parliament to approve", and his confidence