Lenin referred to the lower phase, organized around the principle "To each according to his contribution", as "socialism", with the higher phase as "complete communism", or "full communism", as Joseph Stalin would later put it. Thus both Lenin and Stalin gave grounds for thinking of communization not as a transition from capitalism to communism, but as a transition from socialism to communism, a transition that would take place after the working class had seized power, and which may last a long time (in the 1930s Stalin conceived of "full communism" as still a long way off). Thus the interval between the two transitions came to be seen as a necessary "period of transition" between the workers' revolution and communism. It appears that within so-called "communist" regimes the demand for "communization" was associated with an impatience with the "period of transition" and a desire to break with the remaining capitalist forms (e.g., money, wage labor) still in place in those regimes. Those pushing for a move toward "communizing" in this sense were typically denounced as "ultra-left", with their suggestions dismissed as impractical and utopian, but they were able to point to the historical examples of the Paris Commune and the Spanish Revolution of 1936, where more radical measures of popular collectivization had been taken than in the Russian and Chinese revolutions, as well as to the German Revolution of 1918–19 and the Italian councils movement of 1919-1920 in which the historic "left communist" tendencies had been formed. Late 20th century The association of the term communization with a self-identified "ultra-left" was cemented in France in the 1970s, where it came to describe not a transition to a higher phase of communism but a vision of communist revolution itself. Thus the 1975 Pamphlet A World Without Money states: “insurrection and communisation are intimately linked. There would not be first a period of insurrection and then later, thanks to this insurrection, the transformation of social reality. The insurrectional process derives its force from communisation itself.” This vision was opposed to the statism and vanguardism of the Leninist conception of revolution, but it also identified the perceived failure of the Russian and Chinese revolutions (carried out on the Leninist politico-military model) with the insufficiency of measures taken to abolish capitalist social relations (e.g. lack of direct collectivization, persistence of monetary relations). It also reversed the supposed "pragmatism" of the Leninist focus on the state,