Palermo between 12–16 October 1957, in Hotel Delle Palme in Palermo. Joseph Bonanno, Lucky Luciano and Carmine Galante were among the American mafiosi present, while among the Sicilian side there were – apart from Genco Russo – Salvatore "Ciaschiteddu" Greco, his cousin Salvatore Greco, also known as "l'ingegnere" or "Totò il lungo", Angelo La Barbera, Gaetano Badalamenti, Totò Minore and Tommaso Buscetta. One of the outcomes of this meeting was that the Sicilian Mafia composed its first Sicilian Mafia Commission and appointed "Ciaschiteddu" Greco as it's "primus interpares". In the aftermath of the First Mafia War in 1962–63 and the Ciaculli Massacre that prompted the first concerted Antimafia efforts by the state in post-war Italy, Genco Russo was among the many mafiosi arrested (on 6 February 1964, when he turned himself in). He was often seen with DC deputy for Sicily, , and the future Minister of Public Works, Antonino Pietro Gullotti, was photographed hand in hand with Genco Russo at the time when he was secretary for the DC in Sicily. All of which was duly recorded by the Antimafia Commission. His appearance at the big Antimafia trials and the end of the 1960s made many of the island's establishment very nervous. When showing up in court, Genco Russo presented petitions from prominent politicians, priests, bankers, doctors, lawyers and businessman who declared to testify on his behalf. His lawyer threatened to publish telegrams from 37 Christian Democratic deputies – one a cabinet minister – thanking Genco Russo for helping them to get elected. Minister and prominent DC politician Bernardo Mattarella denied that he had been sent one. Genco Russo was sentenced to five years confinement by the Court of Caltanissetta, and sent to Lovere, near Bergamo. Decline and death His forced retirement as town councillor of Mussomeli, his arrest and years of confinement initiated the decline of Genco Russo's power. Within the Mafia a new generation of mafiosi was coming to the forefront. Genco Russo represented the old rural and semi-feudal Mafia that based their power on access to land openly acknowledged community power. The new generation was more entrepreneurial and made their money with cigarette smuggling, drug trafficking, skimming off public contracts and speculating in real estate. Genco Russo never was the "boss of all bosses" as the media depicted him. He certainly had leverage providing voters for the DC at a local level, but it is hardly