gentrification. This cohort's role in gentrification has been in part attributed to amenities in downtown areas which draw this "creative class" to neighbourhoods perceived as undervalued. In St. Henri, between 2001 and 2011, the proportion of residents aged 25–34 rose by seven percentage points : from 20.1% to 27.1%. By comparison, Montreal's share of residents aged 25–34 only increased from 16.3% to 17.0%. This overrepresentation of the 25-34-year-old age group reflects the gentrification of St. Henri. The progression of neighbourhood residents that are college graduates is less indicative of gentrification than the previous measure. However, during this period, the St. Henri neighbourhood goes from being below the city's average to above it with its share of residents having graduated from college increasing from 25.9% in 2001 (26.4% in Montreal) to 43.1% in 2011 (41.5% in Montreal). Gentrification is most often associated with an increase in average neighbourhood income . Contrasting the average household income of St. Henri residents with that of Montreal residents shows that the neighbourhood's revenues has comparatively increased. In 2001 the average household income in St.Henri was 29% lower than in Montreal. In 2011, the average income in the neighbourhood decreased to about 17% lower than that of Montreal. The changes in availability of services is also telling of gentrification. From 1996 to 2011 rue Notre-Dame, a street which runs through the whole neighbourhood, has seen a considerable increase in the number of entrepreneurial services such as coffee shops and boutiques accompanied by a smaller increase in the number of corporate chains. Conversely street-level vacant lots on this rue Notre-Dame decreased from 26.2% to 13.5%. Everyday Politics and Resistance in St. Henri In St. Henri, up-scale condominiums, boutique shops and other signs of gentrification have displaced, marginalized and stressed those of lower socio-economic status (SES). In response to gentrifying practices, inhabitants within the historically low-income neighborhood have taken up various forms of everyday politics. The power on display in St. Henri can be understood as the increasingly prevalent neo-liberal order, resulting in a free market focus for urban planning initiatives (Rose, 2017). In St. Henri, everyday politics is a mode of resistance to the aforementioned powers by opposing oppressive and unjust treatment from powerful actors and broad social forces. How subordinate inhabitants of St. Henri engage in this resistance can vary from informal behavior to formally organized and confrontational acts, the former being everyday resistance. Through the