taking much of Macedonia (taking Skopje in October), advancing into Greek Macedonia, and taking Dobruja from the Romanians in September 1916. However, the war soon became unpopular with the majority of Bulgarian people, who suffered great economic hardship and also disliked fighting their fellow Orthodox Christians in alliance with the Muslim Ottomans. The Agrarian Party leader, Aleksandar Stamboliyski, was imprisoned for his opposition to the war. The Russian Revolution of February 1917 had a great effect in Bulgaria, spreading antiwar and anti-monarchist sentiment among the troops and in the cities. In June, Radoslavov's government resigned. Mutinies broke out in the army, Stamboliyski was released and a republic was proclaimed. In September 1918 the French, Serbs, British, Italians, and Greeks broke through on the Macedonian front and Tsar Ferdinand was forced to sue for peace. Stamboliyski favored democratic reforms, not a revolution. To head off the revolutionaries, he persuaded Ferdinand to abdicate in favor of his son Boris III. The revolutionaries were suppressed and the army disbanded. Under the Treaty of Neuilly (November 1919), Bulgaria lost its Aegean coastline (Western Thrace) to Greece and part of its Macedonian territory and the Western Outlands to the new state of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and had to give Southern Dobruja back to the Kingdom of Romania. The country had to reduce its army to no more than 20,000 men and pay reparations exceeding $100 million. Bulgarians generally refer to the results of the treaty as the "Second National Catastrophe." Elections in March 1920 gave the Agrarians a large majority, and Stamboliyski formed Bulgaria's first genuinely democratic government. The Interwar Period After World War I, Bulgaria had already lost a lot of territory, which included a coast to the Aegean Sea with Dede Agach (Alexandroupoli), an important part for the Bulgarian economy and the Western Outlands. The 1879 constitution did not draw a clear line between the powers of the king and the powers of Parliament. This was a problem common with most constitutional monarchies. While the framers of the 1879 constitution intended to put most of the power in the hands of Parliament, it was possible for a clever enough monarch to gain control of the machinery of government. Such was the case with Tsar Ferdinand, who however had been forced to abdicate after the back-to-back losses of the Balkan Wars and World War I. His son Boris then succeeded him on the