even went backwards in some cases. The only recent advances in land reform policies had come in such programs as the National Program for School Meals (PNAE) and Food Catering Plan (PAA), which buy food from land reform farmers for use at public schools and other government facilities. However, such programs were "entirely disproportionate to what is being offered [in terms of public money, subsidized credits, etc.] to agribusiness", he said, and the only chance for land reform in Brazil would be a kind of joint venture between small producers and urban working class consumers, as simple land redistribution would be fated to fail, as it had in Venezuela, "where Hugo Chávez stockedpiled seven million hectares of nationalized land property which remained unused for want of proper peasants". The PT government's base generally felt that the vested interest of agribusiness in setting development policies during the Lula and Rousseff administrations hampered aggressive policies of expropriation and land reform. In November 2014, amid the radicalization surrounding Roussef's reelection, an unannounced visit to Brazil by Venezuelan Minister for Communities and Social Movements Elias Jaua led to an information exchange agreement in agro-ecology between the MST and the Venezuelan government. The visit and agreement created tension among the conservatives in the Brazilian Congress; Senator and landowner Ronaldo Caiado described it as "an arrangement between a high-placed representative of a foreign government and an unlawful entity, aimed at building a socialist society", "an arraa clearly more conservative stance on land reform, and therefore, less maneuvering room for the MST. The movement described Caiado's reaction as evidence that "conservative sectors are hostile to any form of grassroots participation [in the political process]". In an even clearer sign of limited room, Rousseff chose for her second-term cabinet the notorious female landowner Kátia Abreu. However, some suggested that the ongoing tension between the MST and the PT, far from signaling an impending end, on the contrary suggested a reconfiguration of the MST, from a single-issue movement to wider focus on political and social emancipation. Such a tendency has been expressed in the integration, since the 1990s, of MST with various other grassroots organization in a network sponsored by progressive Catholics, the CMP (Central de Movimentos Populares, or Union of Popular Movements) through which the MST developed its collaboration with its urban "sister" organization, the MTST. Land ownership Consolidation of land ownership continued unabated. In 2006, according to