violence, or blamed both sides: Such sympathy factored into the narrative of the attacks, minimizing the role of whites. For example, following the attacks, newspapers began erroneously reporting that white deaths had outnumbered the deaths of black people. The only deaths of black people reported were the deaths of prominent men of Springfield (e.g. Burton, Donnegan). This false claim, which suggested that black people had killed the whites who died, and that the attacks were mutual in nature, was reported as fact for over 100 years. Economic effects Following the attacks, Mayor Reece nullified, without explanation, the saloon licenses of six of Springfield's black-owned saloons, forcing their owners and employees to find new sources of income. This also meant that black people were abruptly deprived of casual neighborhood gathering places. Lee F. Osborne, a black saloon owner, could not acquire a license for four months; the city approved it only after he obtained the backing of a black "law and order" league, led by a pastor, and promised to run "a model saloon." Black municipal workers – recognized as "faithful, honest men of long service" – lost their jobs. Mayor Reese laid off all black firemen "for the good of the service," and all black policemen, who he said would no longer be "useful" in their jobs. Reese thought that getting rid of black workers would avoid "trouble" with whites and reduce post-riot tensions. In addition, Mayor Reece received "Black Hand" letters telling him to fire them or face more violence. Black laborers were also threatened with job loss. For example, three coal mines, including Woodside and Tuxhorn, employed approximately 500 men, of which 30 percent were black. Following the attacks, the 350 white miners went to the president of the Springfield United Mine Workers union, refusing to work with black miners, stating that they felt "unsafe" working with black people underground. The mines shut down for several days, only re-opening when mine executives threatened to bring in black strikebreakers if the white miners did not resume work. Several other white employers also received letters in the mail, threatening their lives and property, if they did not dismiss their black employees or if they did business with black people. Because merchants refused to deliver provisions to black people at Camp Lincoln, hesitated to serve black people in town, or overcharged them when they did, the state purchased $10,000 (over $250,000