under whom the joint stock company was incorporated, and was always the paper's largest shareholder.[44] In 1872, both he and Stone became editors and thereafter edited the Woman's Journal together, joined by their daughter, Alice Stone Blackwell, in 1881. After Stone's death in 1893, Blackwell continued editing until his death in 1909. He never took a salary for his work on the Woman's Journal, which became the longest-running suffrage paper in the nation (1870–1917). Campaigner and Strategist Blackwell was an officer of the American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA) for many years, including being its president in 1880. He was also an officer of the New England and Massachusetts Woman Suffrage Associations, all of which shared offices with the Woman's Journal in Boston. Through involvement in Republican politics, he obtained a strong endorsement of woman suffrage from the Massachusetts Republican Party in 1872. As one of the American wing's most effective orators, Blackwell spoke on organizing tours, before state and local suffrage meetings and conventions, at hearings before state legislatures and constitutional conventions, and at hearings before Congressional committees. He and Stone worked together on several state campaigns, including Colorado in 1877 and Nebraska in 1882. After frail health kept Stone from traveling, Blackwell continued on without her, campaigning in Rhode Island in 1887 and South Dakota in 1890. One scholar characterized their work saying, "In the annals of the suffrage movement, Lucy Stone and Henry Blackwell were as much a team as Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony." Stone thanked Blackwell for the "abundant and unselfish work [he did] for women," saying, "Few men would have done it, leaving business, friends, pleasure for it." Blackwell originated the AWSA's strategy of seeking partial suffrage by legislative action. Noting that state legislatures could establish women's right to both municipal suffrage (the right to vote in city elections) and presidential suffrage (the right to vote for presidential electors) through statute, he argued that such measures might be more readily gained than constitutional amendments, which after passage by a legislature had to then be ratified by the populace. He also noted that no constitutional amendment was required for Congress to establish full woman suffrage in either the District of Columbia or the territories. Believing that achieving such measures would undercut arguments against women's voting and become a permanent wedge for full suffrage, he urged that "every point gained is a great step forward."