applicant, who has to establish that the impugned statute violates the Constitution. Furthermore, in Rajeevan Edakalavan Chief Justice Yong said that the elected nature of Parliament vests in them the sole authority to determine sensitive issues surrounding the scope of fundamental liberties. In contrast, the judiciary's role is to ensure that the intention of Parliament as reflected in the Constitution and other legislation is adhered to. The Chief Justice also held in Jabar bin Kadermastan v. Public Prosecutor (1995) that: Similarly, in Chee Siok Chin v. Minister for Home Affairs (2005), it was held that there is a need for judicial self-restraint and extreme caution with regards to whether a piece of legislation is an invalid restriction on constitutional rights. In the case, the impugned legislation was sections 13A and 13B of the Miscellaneous Offences (Public Order and Nuisance) Act ("MOA"), which make it an offence to cause harassment, alarm or distress. The High Court held that the fundamental right to freedom of speech and expression as well as the right to assembly guaranteed by Articles 14(1)(a) and (b) of the Constitution had been effectively restricted by the MOA. It held further that these rights are not absolute and are circumscribed by Article 14(2), which provides that Parliament may impose on the rights in Article 14(1) "such restrictions as it considers necessary or expedient" for various public interests. The term necessary or expedient was said to confer on Parliament an extremely wide discretionary power, the court's sole task being to ascertain whether there exists a nexus between the object of the impugned law and any permissible ground of restriction in Article 14(2). The Government must satisfy the court that there is a factual basis on which it considered it "necessary or expedient" to impose the restriction. Evidence establishing such a factual basis must be analysed in a generous and not a pedantic approach, considering the parliamentary intention of the impugned law. The Grundnorm problem Andrew Harding has posited that in Singapore it is Parliament, rather than the Constitution, which is supreme. This arises from the fact that the Constitution, which is supposed to be logically prior to the power of Parliament to legislate, was enacted by Parliament on 22 December 1965 through the Republic of Singapore Independence Act. As Parliament only got around to properly enacting a constitution on 22 December 1965, there was a hiatus between 9 August 1965