as having "marked an early zenith" in the CIA's covert history. PBSuccess involved a covert paramilitary and psychological, meaning torture, operation. Commentators noted that the Arbenz government was not communist, but progressive and reformist, and the US coup stemmed from American business self-interest, mainly in the fruit sector. Within the historical analyst report about the Operation PBSuccess, Cullather states, "Agency officials had only a dim idea of what occurred before Jacobo Arbenz Guzman came into power". However, despite the lack of historical content, CIA officials claim Operation PBSuccess to be a success and is remembered as a "revolutionary progress that have been set in motion for over a decade." After the operation, David Atlee Phillips ordered the CIA's Guatemalan station to destroy any evidence of PBSuccess, including most of the documents about the details of the operation. The operation was successful in that President Arbenz was overthrown, however the CIA failed to install a sufficient replacement. 1953 By 1953, Arbenz was feared to be moving closer to the Communists, as evidenced by his expropriation of additional United Fruit Company holdings, legalizing the Guatemalan Communist Party, the PGT, and suppression of anti-Communist opposition following a failed uprising in Salama.,[3] which is believed to be another CIA operation. On February 25, 1953, NSC 144/1 warned "of a drift in the area toward radical and nationalistic regimes." In 1953, the CIA continued to try to influence Guatemalan policy and explore disposing of key adversaries and authority was given by the National Security Council to conduct covert action against Guatemala. The National Security Council and President Eisenhower approved a covert action against Árbenz in August 1953. It carried a $2.7 million budget for "psychological warfare and political action" and "subversion," among the other components of a small paramilitary war. As of 1953, PBSuccess included plans for psychological warfare, target lists for assassinations of Guatemalan leaders, economic aid to rebel groups (Armas, junta groups, etc.), diplomatic action, and paramilitary action. Part of the psychological warfare included sending death notifications or "death notice cards" to known or suspected communist leaders for 30 consecutive days. The one-month campaigns in April and June produced no apparent results. "The Nerve War Against Individuals" also included other threats to create paranoia and sense of impending doom. The established sabotage teams or harassment teams were meant to attack local communist leaders and their property. Following that order, they sent Guatemalan leaders