handled politically. The CIA then started to question whether or not Suharto would listen to Sukarno's statements and leave them alone or not. The immediate aftermath of this event brought swift changes. The army couldn't simply take control of the government because they needed Sukarno's name attached to them in order to gain legitimacy. Sukarno, on the other hand, needed to strengthen the PKI after this massacre because they formed a strong base of support. Despite this, both the army and Sukarno were essentially two distinct governments within Indonesia. Sukarno did, however, appoint General Suharto as the head of the military at the behest of other military leaders. Sukarno wanted someone who would be softer on the PKI, but still chose Suharto nonetheless due to strong army pressure. Within a month of the September 30th massacre, the army had arrested as many as 2,000 PKI party members or suspected members. A further 74 had been executed. By this point, the CIA knew that the military and Sukarno were moving in different directions. Sukarno wanted to revive the PKI, while the military was trying to eliminate any communist support. Many anti-PKI groups began demonstrating, trying to remove the party from any politics. Sukarno attempted to rein in the army, but they continued to pursue their own goal of eliminating the PKI, believing that Sukarno himself may have played a role in the attempted coup. Because of this, the CIA concluded that communism in Indonesia would be on the defense and that Sukarno's power was weakening. A situations report from November 1965 also showed increasingly anti-Chinese sentiment in the region, stating that Chinese nationals were being victimized in the country, including a Chinese embassy office in Djakarta being entered by armed troops. The report also indicates that there was anti-Communist and PKI sentiment throughout the general population during the time period, mentioning one of many protests that took place calling for the banning of the PKI in the country. The CIA closely monitored Suharto's relationship with the PKI. They kept especially close tabs on meetings he held with other members of the government. One report notes "a possible decision to ban the PKI," which is something the CIA had expressed interest in, in all of its reports. However, although Sukarno stated that he would consider banning the PKI, he said the bans would not be limited to them. A report outlining a