details and formulation), whose authenticity is doubtful and which therefore cannot be invoked as sources of law, even if they can be useful for personal edification. Wood estimates that this will mean "about 95 percent" of traditional Islamic law is "chuck[ed] into the sandpit of Saudi history", and leave MbS free to use his discretion "to determine what is in the interest of the Muslim community." According to Haykel this short-circuits centuries of Islamic legal tradition, but is done "in an Islamic way." One part of the fallout is in legal code. Unlike most countries, Saudi "does not have any penal and civil code" and "judges rule on the basis of Islamic jurisprudence with a high level of discretion in some contexts". But as of early 2021, MbS has "ordered a codification of Saudi laws" that would take this power away from judges. Reactions The policies of MbS have been called a "sidelining of Islamic law" that will "drastically" change the Kingdom. According to David Ottaway of the Wilson Center, MbS has sidelined Saudi Arabia's Wahhabi scholars and preachers "who still command millions of followers in the country and beyond", and this presents a "particularly risky" move. Journalist Graeme Wood who traveled in Saudi Arabia and interviewed MbS, noted that Salman al-Ouda, "a preacher with a massive following", appears to have originally been imprisoned for expressing the relatively benign hope that MbS and the ruler of Qatar (Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani), reconcile—"May God harmonize between their hearts, for the good of their people." al-Ouda remains in prison facing execution despite the fact that MbS and Al Thani did reconcile. Many conservative clerics strongly appear to have taken heed, succumbing to "good old-fashioned intimidation", reversing their religious positions and supporting the government line on issues such as "the opening of cinemas and mass layoffs of Wahhabi imams". But it also "isn't clear how quickly" the modernization of MbS "is catching on", and that in some instances ordinary police "have stood up" to take the place of religious police, while in at least the very conservative parts of the country, genders still spontaneously segregate themselves in large gatherings. Non-Salafi Islam The Wahhabi mission has been dominant in most of the central region of Najd—its "heartland"—for two hundred years, but in most other parts of the country it has dominated only since 1913–1925. The eastern region has many Twelver Shias,