English or is deleted: "witch" < PGmc (cf. Old High German ) "embers" < Pre-OE < PGmc (cf. Old High German ) "errand" < PGmc (cf. Old Saxon ) "to hasten" < archaic < Pre-OE "upmost" < PGmc (cf. Gothic ) As shown by the examples, affected words typically had in the second syllable and in the first syllable. The developed too late to break to or to trigger palatalization of a preceding velar. I-mutation in High German I-mutation is visible in Old High German (OHG), c. 800 AD, only on short , which was mutated to (the so-called "primary umlaut"), although in certain phonological environments the mutation fails to occur. By then, it had already become partly phonologized, since some of the conditioning and sounds had been deleted or modified. The later history of German, however, shows that and , as well as long vowels and diphthongs, and the remaining instances of that had not been umlauted already, were also affected (the so-called "secondary umlaut"); starting in Middle High German, the remaining conditioning environments disappear and and appear as and in the appropriate environments. That has led to a controversy over when and how i-mutation appeared on these vowels. Some (for example, Herbert Penzl) have suggested that the vowels must have been modified without being indicated for lack of proper symbols and/or because the difference was still partly allophonic. Others (such as Joseph Voyles) have suggested that the i-mutation of and was entirely analogical and pointed to the lack of i-mutation of these vowels in certain places where it would be expected, in contrast to the consistent mutation of . Perhaps the answer is somewhere in between — i-mutation of and was indeed phonetic, occurring late in OHG, but later spread analogically to the environments where the conditioning had already disappeared by OHG (this is where failure of i-mutation is most likely). It must also be kept in mind that it is an issue of relative chronology: already early in the history of attested OHG, some umlauting factors are known to have disappeared (such as word-internal after geminates and clusters), and depending on the age of OHG umlaut, that could explain some cases where expected umlaut is missing. The whole question should now be reconsidered in the light of Fausto Cercignani's suggestion that the Old High German umlaut phenomena produced phonemic changes before the factors that triggered them off