now obsolete and considered a geographic classification rather than a linguistic one. Within Ugric, uniting Mansi with Hungarian rather than Khanty has been a competing hypothesis to Ob-Ugric. Lexical isoglosses Lexicostatistics has been used in defense of the traditional family tree. A recent re-evaluation of the evidence however fails to find support for Finno-Ugric and Ugric, suggesting four lexically distinct branches (Finno-Permic, Hungarian, Ob-Ugric and Samoyedic). One alternate proposal for a family tree, with emphasis on the development of numerals, is as follows: Uralic ( "2", "5" / "10") Samoyedic (*op "1", *ketä "2", *näkur "3", *tettə "4", *səmpəleŋkə "5", *məktut "6", *sejtwə "7", *wiət "10") Finno-Ugric ( "1", "3", "4", "5", "6", "10") Mansic Mansi Hungarian (hét "7"; replacement egy "1") Finno-Khantic (reshaping *kolmi "3" on the analogy of "4") Khanty Finno-Permic (reshaping *kektä > *kakta) Permic Finno-Volgaic (*śećem "7") Mari Finno-Saamic (*kakteksa, *ükteksa "8, 9") Saamic Finno-Mordvinic (replacement *kümmen "10" (*luki- "to count", "to read out")) Mordvinic Finnic Phonological isoglosses Another proposed tree, more divergent from the standard, focusing on consonant isoglosses (which does not consider the position of the Samoyedic languages) is presented by Viitso (1997), and refined in Viitso (2000): Finno-Ugric Saamic–Fennic (consonant gradation) Saamic Fennic Eastern Finno-Ugric Mordva (node) Mari Permian–Ugric (*δ > *l) Permian Ugric (*s *š *ś > *ɬ *ɬ *s) Hungarian Khanty Mansi The grouping of the four bottom-level branches remains to some degree open to interpretation, with competing models of Finno-Saamic vs. Eastern Finno-Ugric (Mari, Mordvinic, Permic-Ugric; *k > ɣ between vowels, degemination of stops) and Finno-Volgaic (Finno-Saamic, Mari, Mordvinic; *δʲ > *ð between vowels) vs. Permic-Ugric. Viitso finds no evidence for a Finno-Permic grouping. Extending this approach to cover the Samoyedic languages suggests affinity with Ugric, resulting in the aforementioned East Uralic grouping, as it also shares the same sibilant developments. A further non-trivial Ugric-Samoyedic isogloss is the reduction *k, *x, *w > ɣ when before *i, and after a vowel (cf. *k > ɣ above), or adjacent to *t, *s, *š, or *ś. Finno-Ugric consonant developments after Viitso (2000); Samoyedic changes after Sammallahti (1988) Note: Proto-Khanty *ɬ in many of the dialects yields *t; Häkkinen assumes this also happened in Mansi and Samoyedic. The inverse relationship between consonant gradation and medial lenition of stops (the pattern also continuing within the three families where gradation is found) is noted by Helimski (1995): an original allophonic gradation system between voiceless and