symbiosis, "such an action that would go against the true interests of the Polish people [...] would in any case be unexpected." As he argues, the Polish groups supporting Sturdza were at most representatives of the Polish monarchist movement, and, in their relations with him, primarily agents of the Ottoman Empire. In February 1859, Mémorial Diplomatique published a letter from Bucharest, which claimed that Sturdza, whose designs for a coup resembled "mental alienation", was being held under watch by the authorities; it also alleged that the Beizadea had managed to escape. During those same days, Alecsandri wrote that the attempted coup was "much more reduced than we were told"; however, as leader of the repression, Moldavian Colonel Fote made a conscious attempt not to inform the public about the scale of the conspiracy. In September 1859, Sturdza was released with no charges being pressed—Iași's Criminal Court dismissed the interrogation of Polish suspects as only producing hearsay about Sturdza himself. According to Panaitescu, the Beizadea only escaped imprisonment because, at that early stage, Cuza was unwilling to strike at the "great boyardom". Cuza scholar Dumitru Ivănescu suggests that Sturdza was rendered "harmless" by Wierzbicki's arrest; the regime had no interest in finding him guilty, since such a verdict would have created more division. Official records for that same interval point to Sturdza as a Cuza loyalist: during January–April 1859, he rallied with the Divan deputies who voted for a property tax and an international loan in order to balance Moldavia's budget and create a unified army. Sturdza then served on the Principalities' Central Judicial Commission, based at Focșani, whereby he introduced legislation which contained the first-ever Romanian references to "human rights". At this stage, Sturdza veered back into conservatism, instigating a veto against electoral reform. As he put in his opinion, voiced on June 2, 1859, any change in the suffrage would authorize government to dissolve the Moldavian and Wallachian assemblies and hold early elections. The same month, Sturdza and another Commission member, Constantin N. Brăiloiu, argued that Regulamentul Organic was still a source of constitutional power—this interpretation was deemed manipulative even by other members of the conservative right, including Ion Emanuel Florescu. As noted by historian A. D. Xenopol, the Beizadea effectively rendered into legal jargon the boyar program: "the party of the past simply did not want to extend voting rights so as to preserve its control on stately