while anti-government protesters considered it to be a political amnesty for Thaksin and his followers. The anti-government protesters were, said, mostly better educated, more affluent, urban Thais criticizing a Western-style electoral system corrupted by rich politicians. Thaksin was accused of buying votes, bureaucrats, policemen, military officers, and even political factions. Thaksin became the example of the businessman autocrat, launching so-called populist projects, some of which were controversial, such as the war on drugs. Hundreds of killings and murder cases noted by the police were said by them to be merely fighting among the drug traffickers, but no further investigation ever occurred. The judicial process was seen as useless; instead, decisive justice was seen to be in the hands of the police. As the anti-government movement had criticized Thaksin as an example of a corrupt politician, it discredited the election system, suggesting at once a system in which part of the representatives in the national assembly would be chosen by certain professions or social groups. Anti-Thaksin protesters were vastly outnumbered by Thaksin's supporters in the rural majority, who delivered to his party two resounding election victories. Their loyalty was rewarded by generous social and economic welfare programs. The anti-government forces were well-organized, and criticized the behind-the-scenes support of the military, the country's most influential institution, seeing Thaksin supported by anti-royalists, former revolutionaries, and ex-communists aiming at regime change. Samak Sundaravej was elected prime minister of the first government under the 2007 constitution. Samak Sundaravej, an articulate politician, acknowledged being the "nominee" of fugitive Thaksin Shinawatra. Samak Sundaravej's position in power, however, did not put an end to the conflict. People claimed that Thaksin still influenced Thai politics even though he was in exile. In 1973, he ran a prominent month-long propaganda campaign, accusing democratic student movements of being communist rebels, traitors and spies. The event ended in a massacre of hundreds of students at Thammasat University on 14 October 1973, and a further military coup was conducted, giving him the interior minister position in the junta. In 1976 there was another massacre at the University. Thai military personnel, police and others, were seen shooting at protesters at the University. Many were killed and many survivors were abused. Prime Minister Samak held daily national state television broadcasts with his own political messages. These were not well received by PAD. NBT, the National Broadcasting Television, the state-owned media enterprise, was openly used to