Mancebo Martín served as secretary of CPIP and then was member of provincial board which reconstructed new security forces, apart from leading a unit himself. Melchor Rodríguez García was briefly Delegado General de Prisiones and with limited success tried to stop the Paracuellos extractions. There are individuals who did not hold top positions in power structures yet made themselves known as particularly efficient when implementing new order. Agapito García Atadell became iconic celebrity as head of CIV squad until he defected in October 1936. Valero Serrano Tagueña and Marcos García Redondo gained names as leaders of Brigada de Amanacer and Los Linces de la República respectively. Carmelo Iglesias Muñoz was particularly active as head of a tribunal in 1936. Felipe Sandoval Cabrerizo worked as member of revolutionary tribunal and squad leader; instrumental during both Modelo and Paracuellos actions, he joined new Seguridad and until 1938 operated as member of Mancebo's unit. Fernando Valenti Fernandez engaged in counter-espionage investigations and headed Brigada Especial, widely known for setting traps; he was then seconded to DEDIDE and ended up in SIM. Elviro Ferret Obrador commanded the DGS Technical Secretariat squad and excelled in expropriations. Eduardo Val Bescós as chief of CNT Defence Committee was responsible for Anarchist militias throughout most of the war. Politics Initially key personalities holding posts related to public order in Madrid fell generally into the range between militant Republicanism and moderate socialism. Mallol and Muñoz were former Republican Radical Socialists and both joined Izquierda Republicana in the mid-1930s, and Galarza was former PRRSI militant, but unlike his colleagues, he preferred to move to the PSOE and as a Socialist and a Largo Caballero nominee, he landed the job of Minister of Interior. The new head of the Madrid police appointed in late July, Manuel López Rey Arroyo, was also the IR man. Indeed, some scholars claim that early weeks of the war were marked by attempts to maintain "bourgeoisie policing", the pattern that was abandoned and gave way to a new type of security while the CPIP came into existence. Its creation acknowledged actual new balance of power, certified by mushrooming party and trade union militias. Attempts to gauge the share of political influences among the units are based on presumed affiliations of checas, operating in Madrid, but that measure is inconclusive. Analysis of some 300 points broadly classified as checas seems to suggest that the anarchist CNT-FAI and