General and the war. "During the coming year [1968], the president was expected to seek reelection, which increased the likelihood that the presidential campaign would become a referendum on American policy in Vietnam. An antiwar wing developed in the Democratic Party... . Johnson's immediate goal was to convince the American public and press that the war was being won, and he launched a public relations campaign to counteract... the media that the war was deadlocked. As part of that effort both Bunker and Westmoreland returned to Washington in November [1967] and spoke before the U. S. Congress, reassuring the public and the legislature that the allies were winning the war. Westmoreland promised success... . ... American officials expressed confidence that the enemy was being worn down." Johnson's campaign was effective in that subsequent opinion polls showed a general increase in public approval of the war. The "light at the end of the tunnel" was said to be coming into view. Yet opposition to the war appeared resilient as demonstrations continued to criticize Johnson and his war policies. MACV & CIA's Estimate MACV: Failure to reconcile Some members MACV's J-2 intelligence staff were originally receptive to the new O/B numbers published by the CIA. Yet the more senior officers up the chain of command firmly resisted to lower numbers for VC and PAVN. As the dispute intensified, the question arose about which institution had priority for determining O/B issues: MACV whose officers commanded the soldiers and auxiliaries in the field doing the fighting, or the civilian analysts in Washington. Although raising factual questions, MACV ultimately depended on an asserted "command position" to convince the CIA to conform to its lower numbers. The "command position" signified its direct responsibility for military planning and deployment decisions based on O/B numbers and issues. Yet it also hinted at, or camouflaged, the institutional context of the military: MACV was a major instrument of the Johnson Administration's foreign policy. CIA's SNIE 14.3-67: Helms The Special National Intelligence Estimate SNIE 14.3-67 went through 22 drafts during 1967. It was entitled Capabilities for the Vietnamese Communists for fighting in South Vietnam. DCI Richard Helms knew that the President could choose to leave him out of the inner circle, as he had the former DCI John McCone in 1964. Moreover, President Johnson was informed of the intelligence debate about the order of battle for the VC, of the dispute