and "putting taxpayers on the hook", in "'populist' commercials and sound bites" for voters. In the early 1990s, the minority party in the Senate (often the Republicans) made use of the filibuster to create "something approaching a de facto 'rule of sixty, whereby 60 votes, rather than a majority, were needed to pass laws. While only about 8% of major bills in the 1960s were filibustered, 70% were from 2000 to 2010. The minority Republican party could and did use the filibuster to make the reformist majority "look ineffectual" and fuel "popular disdain for politics". Democratic "moderates", and Democrats the authors call "Republicans-for-a-day", aided the Republicans in establishing a winner-take-all system. Moderates, such as Senator John Breaux (who famously insisted that his vote could not be bought—but "it can be rented") and Max Baucus, supported pro-business initiatives such as the Bush tax cut of 2001. Unlike the Republicans—whose members seldom if ever vote with the Democrats, at least in part because the party agenda does not require challenging powerful local interests—it is not uncommon for Democrats to "defect" from their party "on specific economic issues in deference to powerful local interests." Sen. Chuck Schumer (D-NY), is a "strong liberal voice" ... on any issue except finance where he works hard for Wall Street interests that are a major part of the New York state economy; California Democrats Dianne Feinstein and Barbara Boxer (D-CA), vote with Republicans when it come to preventing stock option regulations that would impact Silicon Valley workers’ compensation. Sen. Blanche Lincoln (D-AR) includes among her constituents heirs to the Walmart fortune, and supported repeal of the estate tax. Ideas for a solution The authors emphasize the difficulty of undoing the winner-take-all transformation of America. Shrewd, charismatic leaders will not be enough, changing policy will be a "long, hard slog". The issues of stock options, financial deregulation, and tax law, and what to do about them, are "mind-numbingly complex". The rich are highly motivated, focused, and organized. The average voter is ignorant of many of the most basic facts of government, let alone "which policies to support or oppose, which politicians to vote in and out of office." The 1890–1920 Progressive movement and New Deal serve as models of middle class reform. The way forward will require "continuing, organized capacity to mobilize middle-class voters and monitor government and politics on their behalf." Reception Critical The book has won