a synthesis which would stand out; his thought is scattered across countless books, articles or minor opuscolos. Single works to be listed first are perhaps case studies, the monumental Nápoles hispánico (1958-1964) and an unfinished Historia del pensamiento político catalán (1963-1965). Publications attempting more general overview to be named are La causa diferenciadora de las comunidades políticas (1943), Las Españas (1948) and Historia de la literatura política en las Españas (1952, published 1991). Theorist of politics Initially Tejada developed a Hispanidad-oriented leadership theory of authoritarian state; according to some in the early 1940s he performed a volte-face becoming a vehement anti-Francoist, according to the others during decades to come his theory was progressively dissociated from Francoism, some see 3 phases of his evolution and some advance rambling summaries. Some scholars highlight 1938-1940 works and consider him „superfascista”, most students tend to downplay caudillaje-related writings and focusing on the 1942-1978 period see Tejada as a Traditionalist; few advance an in-between option of "franquismo neotradicionalista". Among those supporting the Traditionalist tag many consider him "maximo representante del pensamiento tradicionalista español en la segunda mitad del siglo XX" or at least one of the key ones, though some present him as a second-rank theorist. Tejada perceived Traditionalism as a unique Spanish response to the 1515-1648 rupture in European political thought; the latter afterwards degenerated into absolutism, liberalism, totalitarism, and most recently into secular, parliamentarian, free-market, nation-state democracies. Traditionalism itself was politically best embodied in Carlism. Its essence was threefold. First, it consisted of Catholic unity; some scholars claim that Tejada was opposed to religious liberty, others maintain that he was opposed to equality of faiths and advocated a state-endorsed Catholic orthodoxy. Second, it embraced historical, social, accountable, representative, foral, federative, missionary, organic and hereditary monarchy. Third, it was based on a subsidiary state model. The latter marked total reversal from original Tejada's penchant for omnipotent leadership and reflected the Traditionalist logic of state serving society, society serving man, and man serving God. A de-centralized withdrawn state, with its functions reduced, is to provide merely a framework for communities making it up, developed historically and safeguarded by separate legal establishments; The communities in question are to be governed by autonomous intermediary bodies and should participate in state politics represented in the Cortes by delegates of various "gremios, hermandades, agrupaciones, cámaras, comunidades y cofradías"; Tejada juxtaposed Spanish communitarian fueros against the French individual liberties. According