in Detroit reported that the most militant organizers in the 12th Street area did not consider it immoral to kill whites. Adding to the criticism of the New Detroit committee in both the moderate black and white communities was the belief that the wealthy, white industrial leadership were giving voice and money to radical black groups as a sort of "riot insurance." The fear that "the next riot" would not be localized to inner city black neighborhoods but would include the white suburbs was common in the black middle class and white communities. White groups like "Breakthrough" started by city employee Donald Lobsinger, a Parks and Recreation Department employee, wanted to arm whites and keep them in the city because if Detroit "became black" there would be "guerrilla warfare in the suburbs". Racial and economic shifts Detroit Councilman Mel Ravitz said the rebellion divided not only the races- since it "deepened the fears of many whites and raised the militancy of many blacks" - but it opened up wide cleavages in the black and white communities as well. Moderate liberals of each race were faced with new political groups that voiced extremist solutions and fueled fears about future violence. Compared to the rosy newspaper stories before July 1967, the London Free Press reported in 1968 that Detroit was a "sick city where fear, rumor, race prejudice and gun-buying have stretched black and white nerves to the verge of snapping." Sidney Fine wrote that if the riot is interpreted as a protest, or a way for black grievances to be heard and addressed, it was partly successful. The riot markedly increased the pace of Detroit's white residents moving out of the city. From 1967 to 1969, 173,000 white residents left, and from 1967 to 1978, Detroit public schools lost 74% of its white students. The black community in Detroit received much more attention from federal and state governments after 1967, and although the New Detroit committee ultimately shed its black membership and transformed into the mainstream Detroit Renaissance group, money did flow into black-owned enterprises after the riot. However, the most significant black politician to take power in the shift from a white majority city to a black majority city, Coleman Young, Detroit's first black mayor, wrote in 1994: In 2010, Thomas Sowell, a conservative and senior fellow at the Hoover Institution wrote in an opinion article for a website created