BMI was created based on a group of European men and cutoffs have been altered in the US in a non-scientifically verified way, with no distinguishing between appropriate cutoffs for different races. Sociologist Sabrina Strings writes, in her book Fearing the Black Body, about the historical ways in which fatphobia emerged out of an attempt by white people to distance themselves from black people. In 1751, Denis Diderot published the Encyclopédie, which was the first publications to claim that black people were "fond of gluttony." In 1853, French aristocrat Arthur de Gobineau claimed, about black people, that their "gluttonous nature to be one of their more base characteristics." In 1910, Charles Davenport founded the Eugenic Record Office, and he claimed that "obesity was a vile condition to be avoided. It was, moreover, racially inherited." Eugenics sentiment toward black people regarding their size was prevalent. Body standards differ between black and white communities, but whiteness, and therefore thinness, is seen as the cultural norm. Scholar Elizabeth Hughes discusses this in "I'm Supposed to be Thick:" Managing Body Anxieties Among Black American Women," citing the norm of a "thick" body type, in other words curvier bodies, in the black community. Black bodies are already stigmatized, which can result in violence when interacting with the social stigma of obesity. In a 2017 article published in the African American Review, one author cited the killing of Eric Garner as an example of this, as some excuses for using excessive force on Garner were his size, as he was an overweight man. The article explains how ableism, fatphobia, and racism interact to form a "double bind" in which violence is excused because fatness is already causing inherent injury, but necessary because the size of a large black person is a threat. A paper published by the American Journal of Preventive Medicine titled “Intersectionality: An Understudied Framework for Addressing Weight Stigma” focused on highlighting the intersectionality between weight stigma and health-related coping responses across several non-white racial and gendered groups. The findings of this publication demonstrated that there were no significant differences in weight stigma as a function of race or gender, having an overall equal representation across all racial groups analyzed. Nonetheless, results additionally demonstrated that different racial groups had differing ways of internalizing and coping with weight and health-related stigmas, which as a result heightened health risks. Results revealed that white women and men