among men, women, and the residents in colonies. Provide female working mothers with a room and one thirty minute-recess every three hours for feeding. Ban the firing of women on account of marriage, pregnancy, or childbirth status. Abolish licensed prostitution. In the first and two points, Yamakawa had much common with her women's suffrage colleagues. Yamakawa shared much with the leadership of the Women's Suffrage League in that both ″argued throughout the prewar period that Japan's legally codified family system, which designated a usually male head-of-household and excluded other family members (including wives) from owning property, denied women legal decision-making capacity.″ In points three, four, and five, Yamakawa was substantially different from her Suffrage League colleagues who did not take issues of equality and inclusion for Japan's colonized peoples into consideration of suffrage or other rights for Japanese women. her final three demands came from the core of her concern for women's rights as workers' rights. Here, Yamakawa represented working-class women by pointing to the most basic issues for them. Communist male leaders disagreed to the first and second proposals for the reason that they have already acknowledged that women were equal to men. On the other hand, Yamakawa argued that it was not a problem of their perception but a social problem, that in, whether the society accepted the law which approved of gender inequality. Communist male boards also disagreed the third proposal Yamakawa questioned why they approved of educational restriction for residents in colonies which was obviously the part of imperialistic policies whereas they, as Communist, disagreed to imperialistic policies. The Communist leaders disagreed to the equal right of work for women and residents in colonies to Japanese men, arguing that their cheap labor had already taken jobs away from Japanese men. On the other hand, Yamakawa said that capitalist's hiring of women, Chinese, and Koreans because of their cheap labor had already taken jobs away from Japanese men, and that equal pay for equal work in addition to the equal rights in education and work would solve the problems that concerned the leaders. Moreover, Yamakawa argued that women and residents in colonies demanded equal pay and open occupational opportunities as equals to Japanese men, and that they demanded not Japanese male workers but the bourgeoisie to approve the proposal. By emphasizing women's issues within male-dominant socialist organizations, Yamakawa ″shifted socialist discourse in significant ways that forced a